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Liberalism, the UK and US Economies, and Alt-Right Media

Which British political party possesses the greatest economic proficiency? Which two or more parties are there at the very top? Were the greatest two in a coalition that began in 2010? I always had a belief that this was so, and this belief has been held by people in most parts of The United Kingdom who may agree with me that Labour's fiscal policies present an economic risk we should not take, and a great many certainly agree that the coalition was broadly successful in its economic recovery initiative.

When we are considering our methods as to how to maintain and grow our economy, we need a capacious scope that puts more possibilities into serious consideration and bring to us, ideas of how we can all get involved. I would add to this idea, the urge to reap all we can from our economic traditions and expand them wherever possible, giving a good philosophy some due recognition for its worth. Traditional liberal economics alone have not shown to be the source of failures, and rather, such economic tradition has been triumphant.

The United States has implemented much in the way of successful liberalism and has been broadly successful in doing so, notably recently, although liberal notions there have been somewhat pressed against since around the time of the UK's EU referendum. This is in relation to Steve Bannon's directives as he was appointed as a campaign runner in the US for Donald Trump. This relationship has been discussed with controversial tones but has however been important in combating negative socio-psychological uprising. Socially and economically, such behaviours have been described and discussed by Kindleberger and Keynes historically.

It is so important that our government does not have such a large financial deficit. People cry out for more spending on public services, but we must all understand that if the government has been met with a financial dilemma, we could pull together as a nation and support our government in steering that in the right direction. If we allow the skilled and thrifty to pick up where others left off in the mess, we could build a winning economy with better and better public services.

One thing we need for our government to balance the books is for them to ease the cost of their borrowing. The financial crash of 2008 meant that it would become more difficult for the government to sell gilts (to borrow and pay rates of interest in return).  The relationship between a bond amount or rather, overall bond or gilt values and their yield to the investor(s) (which is the interest paid by the government), changed after the financial crisis and there was a risk that the UK government's borrowing would become more costly as the prices of those bonds would go down in contrast to probable higher yields/interest.

Since the global financial crisis and surrounding Brexit, the interest on these gilts/bonds has plummeted in the Anglo-Saxon nations and we can even see that there already are rates, whether fixed or variable, that are in the negative/minus figures or otherwise nations at risk of rapid inflation are heading in the direction of those figures. This could include The United States and the pattern means that some investors are effectively paying the government for the privilege of lending to them. In these cases, many of these investors simply want a safe place to invest and store their large amounts of money, in a place where they can simply get it back when the bond term matures and ends, but we all could benefit our government's financial situation by adopting this helping attitude, because when our economic activity overall is steered effectively, and successfully, we could be heading for another booming period in our national economy.

A prosperous moneymaking economy comes from efficient and prudent investment, and we want more of this investment to be able to take place. Various companies and businesses sell bonds as well as the government, although when such businesses key to developing the greater economy sell these gilts, we can assume that with the yield driven down, the business would be more stimulated to pursue their own investments. This is in relation to quantitative easing.

We want our entire economies to move in a direction that indicates overall growth, however, if we take bond yields for example, as a curve on a graph, those rates overall as a curve is flattening out, and if the line begins to invert, it's a sign that we are heading towards another possible recession, although by voting in our previous UK coalition government, we prevented a situation where the line of the graph may have rocketed too high upwards which is what happened to Greece, Spain, and Italy, and the rates of interest reached around 7%. In such a situation, a government may lose control of its ability to pay the interest on its debt. Spain and Italy made a recovery though, from the danger zone.

Ideally, we want inflation to be low and at the target because the costs of maintaining our UK debt will worsen as our currency weakens, considering overseas gilts or weaker taxation at home, and reductions in our exports. Simply put, if taxation such as VAT, for example, is too low or underperforms within our economy, or overall taxation is lower than the government's need, our government will need to turn up the borrowing, and if the economy of our nation is seen as weak, this will drive up bond yields, the interest the government pays on debt.

It is said that economic weaknesses and low interest rates imposed by financial authorities, can hand in hand cause instability when prolonged, although the environment of low interest rates of gilts safeguards government integrity thus safeguarding parked money of investors and their assets.

In the wake of Brexit, persons who form a large proportion of the workforce in the United Kingdom were thinking of leaving and are losing interest in our economy in its weaker state. Their help was attracted to The United Kingdom before the 2008 financial crash, but eventually, Brexit itself and the forecasts were having a deterring effect. The European folk who work in our economy are valued and are always creating and generating a lot of economic output. I have experienced working with many people from Europe in British jobs and I know they are considerably valuable and committed indeed.

It is pretty much a requirement that the government's dealings with Europe includes free-flow into our economy of job candidates from the continent, as these roles simply cannot otherwise be filled adequately by the population without inviting more workers from elsewhere.

Pay gaps are widening across the nation although I would agree that once the higher earners are taxed, and once the benefit recipients have received payments, be it social security mortgage interest payments or other areas of welfare, the situation is not extremely serious in its entirety, and does not require the pummelling of higher earners with more taxation. I would think that the areas for concern revolve around child poverty which must be eliminated. If there are responsible parents out there with children suffering from poverty, we must work to lift them out of it.

Widened pay gaps are commonly the result of economies that have in some way gone bust or near bust, but what is the exact cause or mechanism that wounds an economy in this way? Is it market bubbles? Is it related to the jobs market? We know that when the economy was becoming in a state of crisis, many people were leaving to move and reside elsewhere in the world, and a great many newcomers emigrated here to find work and filled in gaps within the jobs market.

Although there's evidence that we, after the crash, needed an additional supply of workers in low skilled jobs, the interesting part is that when an economy is booming before any crisis, commodity bubbles include wastage and many items that are not sold with a possible expiring value, or items that perish. These unsold items are the result of businesses lacking resources including skilled labour. The wages for staffing in this situation get attacked and reduced as prices go up on the products. As a result, we see less money in people's pockets to sustain the sales in booming production, and we see a cycle of which diminishes business sustainability.

One socialist website explains this mechanism as the result of capitalist bubbles, however, notice that this occurs when socialist governments are in power and running the national economy. Maybe we need to find the reason why that is so?

Inflating commodity prices are not the result of an individual cause such as a cycle that involves reduced spending power. Another explanation lies within the financial markets, and it is said to be the cost of index tracking funds used by investors to improve the outcome of various types of investment. These funds influence the price of commodities which can negatively affect consumers.

As the nation votes for its economic leadership there exists a potentially significant and subtle macro-economic variable for how the economy is driven and in what areas it best performs, and this is the changing identities of many of the people and how this has its own politics. Perceived race is a driving factor in how matters fluctuate. Religious matters also mediate change.

As we search and trawl through one available economic article to another, we can find different forms of nationalism. There's ethnic nationalism, racial nationalism, cultural nationalism, and so on, but there are many. One form that calls out to me is the idea of economic nationalism, and economics encompasses a great variety of factors and attributes, but I have great consideration for how our country, the United Kingdom, and our allies and neighbours drive wealth in our economics.

In relation to conservatism, Steve Bannon, a recent counsellor to the president of The United States, brought forward his own economic nationalist hypothesis at a major conference. He was made leader of the president's campaign with an important White House role.

Bannon's nationalist aims can counter the economic downfalls of globalism and one could speculate immediately that this kind of economics is all about races of people, however, I would be less critical of conservative nationalist tendencies as to pointing out that although international politics currently includes talk of a perceived threat of Islam, there is also an often-unnecessary common conviction of supposed racial nationalism as an ultimate basis. To me, I see a defensiveness of conservative planning as a good basis for such economic action.

Steve Bannon was once the head of Breitbart News. Breitbart is a conservative news website, and yes, it is a far-right one. Its readers include white nationalists and white supremacists, but Bannon describes himself as a leader of the alt-right and the media company as a platform for it. The alt-right's definite meaning includes opposition to problematic immigration and the downfalls of globalisation. This appeals to white supremacists and white nationalists, but Bannon does not describe himself as a white nationalist although the alt-right operates in favour of this movement or can include some of this movement.

Steve Bannon clearly stated that his nationalism is economic. I certainly would have recommended supporting his nationalism and any economic aspects that are useful, considering possible and evident positive outcomes for the United States economy. Had he not fallen out with President Trump, we may, though, have seen more extreme implementation. Bannon stated the following: -

I’m not a white nationalist, I’m a nationalist. I’m an economic nationalist. The globalists gutted the American working class and created a middle class in Asia. The issue now is about Americans looking to not get f—ed over.

The pressure is on now economically and adverse economic factors that form some of the results of globalist activity could also adversely affect the United Kingdom and other parts of Europe. We have a situation where American democrats and British socialists over at the far left are keen to bring up race issues, in which case, it is being used, as my experience indicates, as a barrier against many positive forms of conservatism for the many. Bannon also said: -

The Democrats. The longer they talk about identity politics, I got ’em. I want them to talk about racism every day. If the left is focused on race and identity, and we go with economic nationalism, we can crush the Democrats.

We can see if we look closely that there is moving variance within the politics of identity and individuals during times of economic instability or economic action being taken. Charles P. Kindleberger has described the 'mob psychology' involved in such scenarios and research has shown how our brains are sometimes set to accept the opinions of other broad groups and move from our own ideas. We can simply follow others by means of looking elsewhere for information. Rather than simply doing so we must determine facts unambiguously instead and this could ease lurching further to the right or left, depending on which way we are inclined, although as more people lurch to the radical left, one may feel threatened and take the action of moving a little further into the right-wing of politics and economics, but also, this may well constitute necessary action, but not always. In the current climate radical moves can create economic amplifiers that can cause issues in relation to herd behaviour in financial affairs and provoking another crisis to be more intense.

Kindleberger has also identified the kind of economic contraction that may occur when growing asset bubbles that are allowing people to spend over their household budgets, burst and cause debt default and financial instability. Vince Cable talks into this factor in his writings and the Bank of England is also aware of the risks of rapidly increasing asset values. It is this spike in the prices in the housing market, for example, that is central in all of the activity that led to the financial crash and the credit crunch.

As assets accumulate, it is thanks to the expanse of fiscal policy although to some people, an overly expansionary set of fiscal policies may seem fugacious. There's supposedly apparent inconsistency, and especially to the socialist economist would this seem to be the case. Plain expansionary monetary policies are not usually deemed progressive enough in Austrian economics and the Austrian school, and in this school of economics the strategy can be liquidation for efficiency, but also the closure of weak illiquid businesses. For this idea to not seem tantalising to those much valued entrepreneurial individuals, it's for fortification of business potential that we liberalise the markets, helping to avoid a capitalist faltering or a socialist entrepreneur from not being able to shine with a responsible left leaning venture.

The Republican Party of The United States has taken the lead on the world stage, with an important degree of governance over economic fragility. The best president I know in my time is Donald Trump. His presidency was unique in the way challenges were presented. Obstacles exist of the type a powerful world leader must overcome and prepare to tackle, and in Donald's leadership, such challenges existed in many forms. As Donald faced problems and set about solving them for the benefit of prosperity, he managed to subdue much of the pressure between left-wing and right-wing groups and moderated right-wing sentiment. He triumphed many times over and the real challenges he was tackling were not always described clearly by the media. His presidency ended with his projected allegations about voter fraud and lots of pressure that he faced. The challenges and obstacles elevated resulting in large scale inundation that shrouds the reality of Donald's work. Meta searches and conversation will excessively point to the ending of his presidency and its media presented climax, however, without Donald's long term interventions, large scale social and economic chaos may have advanced to a critical level.

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